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  • Masalah HIV - AIDS PAPUA

    A tribe at the crossroad

    Veronica, 42, a mother of seven, chewed the pinang (areca nut) to make it juicy. She kept chewing, spitting out red juice once in awhile. The redder your teeth, the stronger they are, she explained with a grin, showing off her red teeth.

    One of her children, Joseph, one and half years, played with some toddlers. Running around without shoes or clothes, he was a typical Kamoro child.

    Veronica, a resident of Kokonau village, said it was a bit of a trip to reach Pigapu, where the Kamoro Kakuru, or Kamoro Festival was held.

    "In took us four days in Johnson to reach the village," she said, referring to the boat she and her family rode in.

    "At the festival were are able to dance and sing and spend the night talking with other families."

    Her children came to the festival with her, meaning they were able to skip school.

    "Only two of my children go to school now. The others already dropped out. They got bored and returned to our village to help us with our farm," she said, adding that her children studied in Timika at a boarding school.

    Kaspar Ipapitu, in his 70s, showed off a life-sized mbiikao mask and several smaller masks. It takes him months to make one mask because of all the different materials required.

    He taught his children how to make masks but they have never been able to produce the kind of refined work done by their father.

    To attend the Kakuru, the resident of Omawita village and his children spent a whole day in a boat to reach Pigapu village.

    "I think every Kamoro will try their best to make it to this event. It is a good chance to meet brothers and sisters from other villages," he said, adding that he also expected to make some money selling his masks.

    Kaspar and Veronica were just two of 4,000 people who attended the festival this year. There are about 18,000 Kamoro people in total living along the coast of the Arafura Sea.

    The Kamoro rely on fishing and the generosity of nature for their livelihoods, meaning education is not as important as for other people. Kaspar just needed to teach his children how to make mbiikao and cultivate coffee or keladi (a kind of taro).

    Veronica said her children needed to learn how to deal with nature and make use of what they had been given by God.

    No wonder that in his sermons, Timika Bishop Mgr John Philip Saklil said he frequently reminded the Kamoro of the importance of school.

    "If schools are not attended by our children, we are losing a generation. This means devastation for the Kamoro, remember this," said John, who is originally from Tual in Ambon.

    John is mostly saddened by the fact that schools -- a number of them built by the church -- are not well managed. There are not enough teachers and the curriculum is lacking.

    "When the government dissolved the school for teachers, we run out of teachers for elementary schools. People have to attend university to become teachers. But if they are university graduates, I don't think they want to be teachers. They can get other jobs with better salaries," he said.

    John also expressed his concern over the alarming number of people with HIV/AIDS in Timika and the scant attention given to this issue by the local government. He cited a figure of 600 people infected with HIV/AIDS, believing that it is just the tip of the iceberg.

    "With poor education how will people realize they have HIV/AIDS? I often tell people to be careful in their relations between man and woman, and ask the women to watch out for their men."

    "The Kamoro people are open to change and they are ready to strive for change, I believe."

    "Basically, education is the key to improve the welfare of the people, to show people they have the choice to lead better lives."

    "Yes, our church has plans to set up schools and run them ourselves. So far money is not the issue, but rather we have stumbled on the issue of permits from the government in Jakarta," he said.

    No political will

    The chief of the Kamoro tribe, Yohanis Kapiyau, said the government had not done enough for his people. "The government in Jakarta is too far from here, and local government officials can see us but they do little for us," he said.

    His main task as a tribal chief is to advise people to stay on the right track and play by the rules, so peace will prevail.

    "If we think we are not being given enough assistance by the government, we must speak to them. But I know there are rules so we have to wait. That's the rule."

    "I believe there are procedures for pursuing our aspirations. If we want independence, all we have to do is talk to the government and they will give it to us if they think independence is good for us," the former teacher said.

    What about the local government?

    Mimika Regent Klemen Tinal was a no-show at the four-day festival which was opened by Papua Governor JP Salossa and attended by staff from the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.

    Salossa, in his speech, told the Kamoro people "to be proud of the arts and culture they have. The local government will do its best to assist you in making your arts and culture interesting attractions to draw tourists to the area".

    It was his first visit to the area of his five-year term, which end this November. "If I can no longer serve you then I will tell my successor to make tourism their priority."

    Salossa stayed a few hours at the festival, bought several wood carvings and left Rp 300 million as a gift for the festival committee.

    The Kamoro people who packed the festival venue applauded when an elderly man said: "We are proud to see the face of our leader for the first time in person."

    With so many parties throwing around so much blame for why the Kamoro have been largely untouched by progress, PT Freeport Indonesia inevitably also comes under criticism. But, at least, the mining company sent "a father" for the Kamoro, Kal Muller.

    But Muller is not enough. He is fighting against all odds and a lack of political will by the local government -- both at the regency and provincial levels -- to assist the Kamoro.

    Muller too dreams of seeing "educated young Kamoro who type on computers but still appreciate their culture".

    The Kamoro, indeed, don't have to trade in their heritage for modern living, but they could learn to better combine the two.

    Time seems to have stopped at Pigapu village, with its lush vegetation, clean air and thick forests of mangrove along the quiet Wania River. But for how long will this be enough for the Kamoro.

    Sumber : http://www.thejakartapost.com/detailfeatures.asp?fileid=20051012.Q02&irec=1

  • Papua - Indonesia di Washington

    Indonesia: Keep Pressure on Abusive Army

    11 Oct 2005 22:50:30 GMT ----- Source: Human Rights Watch


    (Washington, October 11, 2005)-Indonesia's failure to reform its abusive military makes it essential for the U.S. Congress to maintain its restrictions on U.S. military assistance, Human Rights Watch said today. This week, House-Senate conferees are meeting to reconcile the annual Foreign Operations Appropriations bill and to decide whether restrictions on military aid to Indonesia should remain in place. Because of the Indonesian military's long record of abuse in places such as East Timor, Aceh and Papua, Congress in 2000 placed conditions on the Foreign Military Financing (FMF) assistance package to the Indonesian military. In fiscal year 2005, the conditions included requirements that the Indonesian government:

    • prosecute and punish members of the armed forces who have been credibly alleged to have committed gross violations of human rights or to have aided or abetted militia groups;
    • ensure cooperation by the armed forces with civilian judicial authorities and with international efforts to resolve cases of gross violations of human rights in East Timor and elsewhere; and
    • implement reforms to increase the transparency and accountability of military operations and financial management, including making publicly available audits of receipts and expenditures.

    "Because President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected democratically, many now wrongly believe that Indonesia's military has been reformed," said Brad Adams, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "But it continues to be responsible for routine abuses, has failed to address past crimes and remains beyond effective civilian control."

    Indonesian military officers and soldiers who commit human rights violations remain largely beyond the reach of the law. No senior Indonesian officer has been held to account for war crimes and crimes against humanity in East Timor in 1999 or other serious violations elsewhere in the archipelago. In July, an appeals court overturned all convictions in the first test-case of accountability for Suharto-era crimes, the 1984 Tanjung Priok massacre that left at least 33 civilians dead. The civilian defense minister still does not have the ability to appoint, discipline or remove officers.

    Human Rights Watch called on the conferees to adopt the Senate's language for the Fiscal Year 2006 bill, which tracks most of the conditions from last year, and adds important reporting requirements to monitor credible progress on the human rights situation in Papua and Aceh, crucial to informing policymaking on Indonesia. Another Senate provision, Report on Indonesian Cooperation, section 6108, also requires a detailed report prior to the release of International Military Education and Training (IMET) for Indonesia from the Secretary of State on U.S. and Indonesian efforts to bring to justice those responsible for the ambush and murder of two U.S. citizens and an Indonesian in Papua in August 2002.

    Human Rights Watch expressed concern over recent statements by Indonesian President Yudhoyono and army chief General Endriartono Sutarto calling for the reinvigoration of the territorial command structure. The territorial command structure has, in effect, made the army an occupying force instead of focusing on national defense. Public opinion surveys in Indonesia have shown that it is deeply unpopular. Efforts to reinforce the territorial command structure serve as an alarming reminder of the failure to implement serious and structural military reform.

    Human Rights Watch also voiced concern over the largely unaddressed issue of the military's continued control of a vast network of legal and illegal businesses. While Indonesian legislation in 2004 requires all such business interests be divested by 2009, there are widespread doubts in Indonesia that this will happen. There are also fears that, if it does happen, the businesses might simply be transferred to entities controlled by senior military figures. Fanning fears of corruption, the military recently sold off shares in its private companies without notifying the authorities responsible for overseeing the transfer of military businesses. Human Rights Watch noted that financial transparency of the military's budget, as called for in the U.S. Senate proposal, must form the backbone of any serious reform effort.

    Human Rights Watch also cautioned against a simplistic response to the recent October 1, 2005 Bali bombings and other bombings in the past three years in Indonesia. Counter-terror cooperation does not justify resumption of Foreign Military Financing and export of lethal equipment. The police, long marginalized by the military, remain the key actor in counter-terror efforts. It was the police who successfully investigated the perpetrators of the October 2002 Bali bombing and other attacks. The U.S. already has numerous options available to engage with the Indonesian government, including the military, on counterterrorism.

    "This is the wrong time to let up the pressure on the Indonesian military," said Adams. "Now is the time to insist that it ends abuses against civilians, phases out the territorial structure and ends its corrupt business practices."

    Supporters of military aid argue that with direct elections of the president in 2004, the stated commitment of President Yudhoyono and Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono to reform, and the recent peace agreement in Aceh, the problems are being solved. Yet when pressed, advocates of military aid are unable to articulate how the widely recognized systemic problem of abuse is being addressed.

    "Even supporters of the Indonesian military should realize that holding out the carrot of military assistance is the best way to help with military reform," said Adams. "Continued restrictions are needed to encourage structural and financial reform and accountability for serious human rights violations."


    Sumber : http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/HRW/c980515e653e845861d92a9256ae40da.htm







  • Nasib Guruku dan orangtuaku

    Jika masyarakat miskin di seluruh Indonesia diperhatikan oleh Pemerintah Pusat dan di perbantukan oleh Pemerintah Daerah bagaimana dengan nasib Para Guru dan Dosen yang terutama yang swasta di Belakang Balik Gunung Pedalman Papua, berbagai bantuan di berikan kepada masyarakat Miskin sementara nasib guru dan dosen masih terkatun-katun. Bagi saya kesejahteraan mereka mohon diperhatikan secara serius karena di pedalaman Papua merekalah tulang punggung pendidikan Papua

  • Susah Membedakan antara Masyarakat Miskin dan Kaya

    Antara kenyataan dan kegelapan  untuk membangun Propinsi Papua namun dari Pemimpin Indonesia terutama Pimpinan Pemda Tk I Papua ini seakan-akan malas tahu, sementara mereka lagi enak-enak. Kasihan yang ada di balik gunung ! Tanggung jawab siapa yah ? Orang gila seperti aku ini yah sory

  • Anak-anak Guru Papua

    Berhubung dengan berbagai kebijakan yang diambil oleh Pemerintah Pusat maka dampaknya  akan terasa juga kepada kita mAsyarakat Papua pada umumnya dan khususnya pada Putra-Putri Anak Guru dan Dosen  di Papua. Untuk saya ada  ambil inisiatif untuk membentuk Forum  Komunikasi Putra-Putri Guru dan Dosen Wilayah Papua agar kita terutama anak-guru diberikan keringanan dari Pemerintah Pusat. Untuk itu di sarankan kepada teman-teman sekalian yang merasa dirinya Putra-Putri Guru dan Dosen Wilayah Papua segera kirimkan Biodata selengkapnya ke jdogomo@gmail.com Maaf karena buru-buru jdi saya tidak bisa siapakan tapi saya akan usahakan dan saya akan siapkan. 
    Sementara untuk masyarakat akan diperhatian oleh Peerintah Pusat lewat  berbagai bantuan sementara untuk Guru tidak akan diperhatikan untuk itu saya mohon utk segera.
    Jack Dogomo 

  • Meningkatnya Penyakit HIV_AIDS di Manokwari Papua

    Sep 24 19:21
    Sharp Increase in Number of HIV Victims in Manokwari (ANTARA News) - The number of people suspected of being carriers of HIV in Manokwari district, Irian Jaya, in August and September 2005 sharply increased from 74 to 109 , according to data collected by the Voluntary Counseling and Testing (VCT) service of Manokwari Regional Hospital.

    Dr Arnold, VCT manager, said about 80 of the 109 people had been positively diagnosed as suffering fom HIV.

    However, he said, the number could be much higher if most victims` families would report the cases or bring them to local health authorities or physicians for an examination.

    Data from the regional health service showed that about 22 of the HIV victims were prostitutes, 32 housewives, 12 civil servants , 8 students while the rest were working as drivers, assistant drivers and nightclub hostesses.

    Otto Parorongan, head of the regional health service, said local health officials were continuously giving information to the people about the danger of the disease as part of their fforts to combat it.(*)   

    Versi Bahasa Indonesia
    Sep 24 19:21
    Peningkatan Tajam/Jelas dalam jumlah Korban HIV  di  Manokwari  (Kabar  ANTARA )- Banyaknya orang mencurigai menjadi pengangkut HIV di (dalam) Manokwari daerah, Jaya Irian, di Bulan September dan Agustus 2005  ditingkatkan dari 74 hingga 109, menurut data yang dikumpulkan oleh hasil pengujian jasa / pelayanan Voluntary Counseling and Testing ( VCT) Rumah sakit Regional Manokwari.

    Dr Arnold, VCT manajer, menyatakan sekitar 80 hingga 109 orang telah secara positif mendiagnose seperti penderita fom HIV.

    Bagaimanapun, ia berkata, nomor; jumlah bisa bertambah jauh lebih tinggi jika kebanyakan korban` keluarga-keluarga akan melaporkan kasus atau membawa mereka ke dokter atau otoritas kesehatan lokal untuk suatu pengujian.

    Data dari jasa pelayanan kesehatan secara regional menunjukkan 22 sekitar itu adalah korbanHIV  diantaranya pelacur, 32 housewives, 12 pegawai sipil, 8 para siswa sedang sisanya  sedang bekerja seperti pengarah, pengarah asisten dan nightclub ibu rumah tangga.

    Otto Parorongan, kepala kesehatan regional yang melayani, menyatakan pejabat kesehatan lokal secara terus-menerus memberi informasi kepada masyarakat tentang bahaya dari  penyakit ini sebagai bagian dari kekuatan / benteng mereka untuk menyerang itu.(*)

    LKBN ANTARA Copyright © 2005  Terms of Use

    Sumber : http://www.antara.co.id/en/seenws/?id=6484

  • The Report on the Mine

    In 1994, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation commissioned EnviroSearch International to review Freeport's Grasberg mine and its environmental effects. When it received the report, OPIC canceled the $100 million risk insurance policy it held on the mine. In 1999, The Austin Chronicle successfully sued for the release of the report under the Freedom of Information Act. This online version is the first publication of the report in its entirety.
    Infoormasi terkait download aja di bawah ini  freeportenvreview.pdf
    sumber : http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-09-23/pols_feature4.html

  • Written in Stone PT FI West Papua

    UT's Jim Bob Moffett and Freeport-McMoRan ride a new wave of allegations of business as usual: exploitation, cronyism, and environmental devastation. Tanggal 23 September 2005
    Thanks to its close relationship with mining tycoon Jim Bob Moffett, the University of Texas now has a building on the Forty Acres named after a divorced couple: the Louise and James Robert Moffett Molecular Biology Building. The Moffetts split a few years ago in what was reportedly an acrimonious divorce.

    photo by John Anderson

    On the Forty Acres at UT, there's a building named after one of the worst environmental desperadoes of the modern era. His name is James R. ("Jim Bob") Moffett and he's the chairman of New Orleans-based Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc.

    Although Moffett hasn't been in the local news much lately, he's familiar to many Austinites. Back in the 1990s, Moffett and Freeport engaged in a pitched battle against local environmentalists and the city of Austin over the company's plans to build a major real estate project on the banks of Barton Creek, about a dozen miles upstream of Barton Springs. At the time, Freeport was hampered by low commodity prices and was struggling to make money. It was also besieged by critics over environmental damage and numerous allegations of human rights abuses at its massive Grasberg copper and gold mine in West Papua (an Indonesian province formerly known as Irian Jaya). Near the height of these controversies, the UT board of regents, led by then Chancellor William Cunningham, agreed to name a building on campus after Moffett and his wife, Louise. In return, UT got a $1 million donation from the Moffetts.

    Freeport has since spun off its real estate interests into the independent company now known as Stratus Properties, which owns large parcels of land along Southwest Parkway and adjacent to the Barton Creek Country Club, and which continues to be a major player in local real estate and politics. Among Stratus' current projects is the plan for Advanced Micro Devices to build facilities for some 2,000 employees on Stratus' Lantana site, along the Southwest Parkway, a project opposed by the Save Our Springs Alliance among other environmental and community organizations.

    Today, the long-standing abuses at the Grasberg mine reportedly continue unabated, but the controversies have scarcely dented Freeport's financial prospects. Indeed, Freeport is riding high on the commodities boom, thanks to the fact that Grasberg is the world's richest gold and copper mine. Over the past four years or so, copper prices have doubled, gold prices have jumped by 70% (the highest level since 1988), and Freeport's stock price has quadrupled. Better still for profits, over the past 12 months the company's production costs have fallen by 75%, to just 11 cents per pound – the lowest in the copper mining industry – suggesting a corporate method to the mining madness at Grasberg.

    Investors are taking notice. On Aug. 4, Goldman Sachs raised its rating on Freeport to "outperform," and Merrill Lynch has a "buy" rating on the stock. Moffett, a regular denizen of corporate America's most overpaid lists, is once again taking home enormous paychecks. According to Freeport's proxy statement, his salary and other perks amounted to $9.5 million in 2004, and during the past 12 months or so, Moffett has sold some $55 million worth of Freeport stock. There are other, apparently expensive changes: Moffett recently divorced his wife of several decades, Louise (who remains memorialized in the stone facade of the Louise and James Robert Moffett Molecular Biology Building, at Speedway and 26th); Jim Bob has remarried, and he and his new wife, Lauree, have built a $3 million home here in Austin, on Escala Drive, overlooking Barton Creek Country Club's Fazio Canyons golf course.

    Jim Bob and Lauree's names first appeared together in print in the June 19, 2002, edition of Shelby Hodges' Houston Chronicle gossip column. The couple, whom Hodges identified as "special guests," were attending a party at the River Oaks home of Houston millionaire socialite Roy Cullen and his wife, Mary.

    Continuing Devastation

    Yes, on the surface, everything appears to be just jim-dandy in Jim Bob's world. But below the surface there's plenty of friction, in the forms we're accustomed to seeing from Moffett: cronyism, environmental degradation, and lousy corporate governance. In other words, business as usual. Given the abundance of recent news items about Moffett and Freeport, we figured Chronicle readers would like an update.

    In July, the London-based human rights group Global Witness issued a report alleging that Freeport has made direct payments to soldiers in the notoriously corrupt Indonesian military. "Between May 2001 and March 2003, a series of payments totalling US$247,705 appear to have been made by Freeport Indonesia to an Indonesian general named Mahidin Simbolon," says the report (www.globalwitness.org). Simbolon has been connected with the Indonesian government's brutal suppression of independence activists in East Timor. (That province won its independence from Indonesia in 2002.) Payments to Simbolon may be the tip of an iceberg; Global Witness also charges that "dozens of officers in West Papua, from the rank of general downwards, appear to have received payments from Freeport Indonesia." If these allegations are proven to be correct and the Indonesian government did not authorize them, Freeport could face charges under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, a federal law that prohibits bribery of foreign officials.

    The allegations against Freeport come at a time when there is more attention on the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act than at any other time in recent memory. In August, the Securities and Exchange Commission asked several U.S. oil companies, including Marathon Oil and Amerada Hess, for documents regarding alleged illegal payments made by company officials in the West African country of Equatorial Guinea. Devon Energy and Exxon Mobil are also being asked to produce documents.

    In the Indonesian case, it's not simply a question of alleged bribery; these same Indonesian army officials allegedly have murdered civilians, and have been doing so for years in various provinces, including East Timor. Of the dozens of killings that have occurred in the regions near the mine or in the province of West Papua, two stand out: the shooting death of American teacher Rick Spier in 2002, and the 2001 murder of Theys Eluay, a tribal leader and advocate of West Papuan independence. In the Spier shooting, which occurred on the road that Freeport built between the mine and Timika, the Indonesian and American governments have indicted a Papuan, but local groups continue to charge that the shooting was done by soldiers in the Indonesian military. (Another American, Leon Burgon, and an Indonesian, Bambang Riwanto, were also killed with Spier.) In Eluay's murder, which occurred near the provincial capital of Jayapura, top officials in the Indonesian military are suspected of ordering his execution, yet only a handful of low-ranking soldiers were charged in the case, and all were given light sentences. The murders in the region are part of the decades-long repression of the native West Papuans by the Indonesian military and its special forces unit, KOPASSUS. Any West Papuan, like Eluay, who agitates too long or too loud for an independent West Papua may well end up with a bullet in his ear.

    On Sept. 15, a bipartisan group of 35 U.S. Congress members wrote to Indonesian President Yudhoyono, describing numerous recent human rights violations and asking him to "immediately end the new military operations and to halt the military build-up in West Papua as a whole." Last month, the Indonesian government put an American gold mining executive, Richard Ness, an executive of Denver-based Newmont Mining, on criminal trial for violating that country's environmental laws. Ness' indictment listed 125 instances in which waste from a Newmont mine in northern Sulawesi allegedly exceeded Indonesian legal limits for heavy metals, including arsenic and mercury. If Ness is convicted, he faces as much as 10 years in prison and a $68,000 fine. The Indonesian government is also suing Newmont, seeking $133.6 million in damages. Newmont insists that it has disposed of its waste safely and that the mercury and arsenic levels near the mine are within acceptable limits. On Tuesday, a court rejected Newmont's motion to dismiss the case, and Newmont said it would appeal.

    The prosecution of the Newmont executive could mean trouble for Freeport, which has long depended on its ability to cozy up to Indonesia's oligarchs and military. An American who spent a decade working in the Indonesian mining sector told me that every multinational natural resources company in Indonesia – and Freeport in particular – should be worried. "They should all be watching Newmont and getting ready because they're next," he said. (This source and others interviewed for this story believe the charges against Newmont are trumped up and that Indonesian prosecutors are using bad science and/or have falsified evidence, all in a thinly veiled effort to extract more money out of the mining company.)

    Satellite photos – readily available on Google Earth and Google Maps – show that the massive tailings plume below the Grasberg mine (currently crushing about 220,000 metric tons of rock per day), now appears to be flowing into the Arafura Sea. According to Indonesian environmentalists, Freeport does not have a permit to dump tailings into the ocean. Further, the vast size of the Freeport tailings dump worries many mining engineers and environmentalists. Heavy metals – mercury, cadmium, selenium, copper, and others – abound in the mine waste, which covers dozens of square miles. Residents as well as outside observers fear that some of Freeport's tailings have, in mining parlance, "gone acid" – that is, that those heavy metals are now leaching out of the tailings and mining overburden, and into the surrounding environment.

    Ed McWilliams, who visited the Freeport mine site six years ago while working for the U.S. State Department on labor and human rights issues, viewed the current satellite photos and told me they confirm what he saw in June of 1999, although the effects of the tailings plume has worsened. "What is most interesting is the extension of the plume into the Arafura Sea," he commented via e-mail. "When I was there I spoke with Catholic priests and others who expressed concern that the tailings were (then) just beginning to reach the sea and that the tidal action could cause the tailing deposits to spread along the coast – causing death of mangroves. This delta effect – as anticipated in those interviews – is particularly interesting – and of course ominous – as the death of the protective barrier provided by the mangroves will have devastating effect on the ecology – and the way of life of the Kamoro, who are essentially a coastal people."

    More bad publicity for Freeport looms. The New York Times has begun delving into the company, working on a print and broadcast package in conjunction with PBS's Frontline. Jane Perlez, the Times' Southeast Asia bureau chief in Jakarta, has written several stories about the Newmont prosecutions, and she's digging deep into Freeport's record. No air date has been set.

    Decorated Longhorn

    The continued unpleasantness at Freeport's Grasberg mine provides yet another chapter in the ongoing controversy over Moffett's ties to UT. In 1994, William Cunningham, while serving a paid position on Freeport's board of directors, solicited a donation from Moffett and his wife. They agreed, and pledged $1 million. In return, Cunningham and the board of regents agreed to name a new building, completed in 1997, as the Louise and James Robert Moffett Molecular Biology Building.

    Moffett's close ties to the university were highly controversial back in the mid-Nineties when Freeport and its real estate subsidiary, FM Properties, were locked in litigation with the city of Austin over the future of its land development plans on the shores of Barton Creek, west of Austin. Not coincidentally, Freeport's environmental practices in Indonesia were also major news items. In October 1995, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, a U.S. government-backed export credit agency, had canceled a $100 million risk insurance policy it carried on Freeport's Grasberg mine, due to environmental damage caused by the project. In a letter to Freeport, OPIC said the mine has "severely degraded the rainforests surrounding the Ajkwa and Minajerwi Rivers" and "has created and continues to pose unreasonable or major environmental, health, or safety hazards with respect to the rivers that are being impacted by the tailings, the surrounding terrestrial ecosystem and the local inhabitants." It was the first and remains the only time OPIC has canceled an insurance policy due to environmental concerns.

    In the 10 years since a federal agency canceled its political risk insurance, Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. has dumped the equivalent of 190 Astrodomes full of tailings into the local river system. These tailings – which cover a stretch of river some 30 miles long – may be releasing heavy metals such as mercury, cadmium, and selenium. However, no known independent testing of the tailings has been done.
    View a larger map

    Since that OPIC cancellation, Freeport has adopted a policy that might be called "hunker down and go," and has been expanding its operations with little or no oversight from environmental regulators in Indonesia or elsewhere. Brigham Golden, a Ph.D. anthropology student at Columbia University and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, Indonesia Commission, who has been visiting the region near the Grasberg mine for several years, says that for Freeport, the political situation in Indonesia has "changed dramatically. Jim Bob used to be able to fly to Jakarta and make a deal." But he says "Jakarta isn't making all the rules any more. Freeport is stuck in the old order way of things. It's a much more insecure terrain."

    Part of that insecurity stems from Freeport's own environmental practices. Since OPIC cancelled the company's insurance, Freeport has continued dumping untreated tailings into the local river system. Indeed, since the OPIC cancellation, the company nearly doubled capacity, and it now crushes 220,000 metric tons of rock per day – enough material to fill the Astrodome every 14 days.

    Potential Environmental Disaster

    Since the OPIC cancellation in 1995, Freeport's mine has dumped about 650 million metric tons of untreated tailings into the local river system – an amount that would fill the Astrodome about 190 times. Of course, any mining activity has an environmental impact. But copper and gold mining are particularly messy. The same rocks that contain those valuable metals also tend to contain nasty ones like mercury, cadmium, and selenium, often liberated during the mining process, thanks to acid rock drainage, a naturally occurring process that afflicts gold mining operations around the world.

    Two sources indicate that Freeport has acid rock drainage problems. A 1995 report by EnviroSearch International, obtained by the Chronicle under the Freedom of Information Act, says that its "inspection revealed what appeared to be obvious signs of ARD already occurring on the southeast flank of the Grasberg mine." And Ed McWilliams says that he, too, saw evidence of acid rock drainage at the mine. McWilliams, who worked for the State Department for 27 years before retiring in 2001, recalls that during his 1999 visit, the tailings were "obviously producing acid rock drainage into the local groundwater. There was concern in 1999 that it was beginning to pollute the groundwater in the Timika area." Timika is the town that lies below the Grasberg mine. McWilliams also says that the tailings plume from the mine was reaching the ocean back in 1999, and that tidal action was causing the tailings to be swept all along the coast.

    The key issues regarding the tailings: How much acid are they generating? And if the entire tailings plume goes acid, what type of heavy metals, and how much, will they release? Unfortunately, there has been no independent monitoring of the environment around the mine to ascertain the seriousness of the ARD problem, but judging from the size of the waste plume (see photo), the potential environmental threat is enormous.

    Freeport has, thus far, set aside $29 million to remediate the tailings from the Grasberg mine, and has pledged a total of $100 million toward restoration projects when Grasberg is played out. But that's not likely to be enough to adequately remediate the damage caused by the tailings, which have destroyed the rivers below the mine (see photos).

    For Indonesian environmental groups like WALHI (Friends of the Earth – Indonesia), which has been targeting Freeport for years, the prosecution of Newmont provides a new opportunity to confront the New Orleans-based mining giant. A WALHI spokesman, who asked that his name not be used, told me that "many of the same clauses in the Environment Act" that are being used against Newmont ... could be applied to Freeport's operations." He added that Freeport is among the "biggest polluters worldwide by volume of waste and by area of land contaminated."

    Indeed, the dead zone created by Freeport's tailings are easily seen by anyone with access to the Web. Google Maps shows a satellite image of the tailings plume (www.tinylink.com/?U2nk65prt2), which appears as a violet north-south scar in the middle of the page. Satellite images show that the tailings plume now stretches for some 30 miles – and all of those tailings may be releasing heavy metals. Satellite images also clearly show the razor-straight, miles-long levees that Freeport has built in an attempt to control the river of tailings that have flowed through their enormous rock crushers. In a recent report, Freeport estimated that those levees contain 31.1 million cubic meters of earth – the equivalent of another 15 or so Astrodomes. Lastly, the satellite images show that tailings are also being dumped into rivers to the west, which are apparently outside Freeport's contract of work area.

    The Price of Security

    The environmental problems at the Freeport mine have long walked hand in hand with years of ruthless human rights abuses. Thousands of natives of the island province have been killed by the Indonesian military – an organization that McWilliams calls "utterly corrupt." Indeed, for natives of West Papua, the Global Witness report goes far beyond questions of bribery. Octo Mote, a member of the Ekari tribe, was born just a few kilometers north of the Grasberg mine, and is now a visiting scholar in the genocide studies program at Yale University. Mote says, "All West Papuans want accountability from Freeport about these payments [to the military]. ... We don't want Freeport to give money to our enemy so they can kill our leaders. That's why we are so concerned about these relationships."

    Freeport has not commented publicly on these charges, but on its Web site, www.fcx.com, the company says that it has "made strong unequivocal commitments to human rights," and that this policy has been adopted by the board of directors and by all contractors who work for Freeport. With regard to the Indonesian military, the company says the mine has been "designated by the Government as one of Indonesia's vital national assets. This designation results in the military's playing a significant role in protecting the area of Company operations. The Government is responsible for employing police and military personnel and funding and directing their operations. From the outset of PT Freeport Indonesia's operations, the Government has looked to the Company to provide logistical and infrastructure support, a prudent response by our Company to protect its workforce and property."

    In 2003, Freeport notified the Securities Exchange Commission that in 2001 and 2002 it had paid $10.3 million for "government-provided security" at the mine. That's on top of some $35 million Freeport spent building housing and offices for Indonesian soldiers after civil unrest hit the mine in 1996.

    The New Crony Network

    Back in the Nineties, when Freeport and Moffett were battling the city of Austin, the company was on the offensive, buying full-page ads in The New York Times and in this paper, defending itself against any and all critics. In 1996, Freeport bought an eight-page $162,000 ad in Texas Monthly, spurring its voluble publisher, Mike Levy, to send out a personal letter on Freeport's behalf, praising the company's wonderful character and good intentions. Freeport's challenge, Levy told his correspondents, "is to mine responsibly so that the environmental effect is minimized and the economic benefits for the surrounding communities are maximized." At about that same time, Freeport's PR team, led by former (and now current again) New Orleans WWL-TV anchor Garland Robinette, released a video claiming the company's massive mining operation was "exactly what Mother Nature is doing in Indonesia." For his part, Moffett told one news outlet that the environmental effect of the mine was "the equivalent of me pissing in the Arafura Sea."

    Today, Freeport's PR campaign resembles that of the Bush administration: ignore critics, ignore the press, and refuse to release any information that might be damaging. Freeport has issued no response to the accusations made by Global Witness. No reporters are being allowed into the mine, especially not reporters from The New York Times. Freeport's PR team – led by former Austin American-Statesman environmental reporter Bill Collier – is saying nothing. (In 1992, a few months after visiting Freeport's mine for the Statesman, Collier took a job at Freeport and later moved to New Orleans). Collier, Freeport's vice president of communications, did not respond to interview requests from the Chronicle (requests made long before Hurricane Katrina).

    At the moment, instead of waging their own public relations war, Freeport and Moffett are relying on a few hired guns. The company has reportedly retained New York City-based lawyer and power broker Stanley Arkin to defend it against any potential criminal charges. Arkin did not respond to an interview request from the Chronicle.

    Moffett and Freeport are also relying on Stapleton Roy, the former U.S. ambassador to Indonesia, who now works as a managing director at Kissinger Associates. Roy's partner there is former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who has long served as Moffett's chief consultant on international issues. Whatever their contributions on such international niceties as, for example, the company's relationship with the Indonesian government and its military, the two men are prospering right along with their corporate client. Kissinger served on Freeport's board from 1995 to 2001 and is now a "director emeritus." He receives $40,000 annually for sitting on the Freeport board as an "advisory director." In addition, according to Freeport's proxy, Kissinger Associates "receives an annual fee of $200,000, additional consulting fees based on the services rendered, and reimbursement of reasonable out-of-pocket expenses." Roy's fortunes have also risen with the company's. Since Jan. 1, according to SEC filings, Roy has sold about $400,000 worth of Freeport stock. Roy did not respond to an interview request from the Chronicle.

    The company payroll also includes Gabrielle McDonald, a lawyer who now works as an arbitrator on the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal in the Hague. (Before her current gig, McDonald served on the International War Crimes Tribunal). McDonald sits on Freeport's board as an advisory director, and serves as its "special counsel" on human rights. A company report on social and environmental issues says that McDonald "reports regularly" to the board on "human rights issues and developments." According to SEC filings, since Jan. 1 of this year McDonald has sold about $6.3 million dollars worth of Freeport stock. One has to wonder if her advice on human rights at the Grasberg mine is colored in any way by her large financial interest in the company's bottom line.

    Beyond McDonald's personal stock transactions, she also has an outside consulting arrangement with Freeport. According to the company's proxy statement, "McDonald receives an annual fee of $265,000, plus reimbursement of reasonable out-of-pocket expenses" for her work as boardmember and special counsel. (McDonald also served several lucrative years as a director for another Moffett-controlled company, McMoRan Exploration.) McDonald did not respond to an interview request from the Chronicle.

    Jim Bob Moffett said that the environmental effect of the Grasberg mine was "the equivalent of me pissing in the Arafura Sea."
    photo by Alan Pogue

    Freeport has 11 people on its board of directors. Of the ten independent directors, four of them – Roy, McDonald, former U.S. Senator J. Bennett Johnston, and longtime Moffett crony B.M. Rankin – have outside consulting contracts with the company, effectively placing them on both sides of a contractual relationship. Johnston's consulting deal paid him $265,000 last year. Rankin's consulting deal paid him $490,000. "There's no doubt that it's a conflict of interest for these four to have consulting contracts with the company. It compromises their independence," says Harold Mathis, a Richmond-based investor and longtime agitator for better corporate governance practices. Over the past decade, he has presented shareholder resolutions at more than a dozen publicly traded companies, including Freeport.

    While cronyism continues to thrive on Freeport's board, some UT alums and faculty are still smoldering about the brand of cronyism Moffett and Cunningham brought to the Forty Acres. Sanford Levinson, a professor at the UT Law School, and the author of Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies, a book that addresses the controversies that spring up around statues and other public edifices, says the fact that Moffett is now divorced from the woman who shares billing with him on the microbiology building, probably won't rile UT boosters. "If you aren't troubled by Jim Bob's business practices, then I don't think you'd be troubled by discovering that his marriage didn't last," said Levinson.

    What sticks in Levinson's craw is that the building naming was arranged by Cunningham while he was serving on Freeport's board. "Cunningham was in a patent conflict of interest. If he was going to sell a big building, then he should have really gotten a huge pot of money. Instead he only got $1 million." And therein, says Levinson, is the cynical heart of the UT/Moffett building controversy: "If you are going to sell out, at least sell out for enough money." (On Sept. 14, UT bestowed upon Cunningham a Presidential Citation – an award created in 1979 "to recognize the extraordinary contributions of individuals who personify the university's commitment to the task of transforming lives [and] to salute those whose service exemplifies the values shared by The University of Texas at Austin community.")

    Speaking of money, in late August, copper hit an all-time high on the London Metal Exchange of $3,670 per ton. Those prices are good news for Freeport's shareholders: On Sept. 30, owners of Freeport stock will be paid a special dividend of 50 cents per share. Moffett's 1.5 million shares mean he'll get a check for $750,000. end story

    Web resources:

    Sumber : http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-09-23/pols_feature.html 
  • Freeport at Grasberg: 'Devastated the river system'

    Bagi teman-teman yang ingin mengetahui seputar PT. Freeport Indonesia terkini mengenai dampak lingkungan terhadap habitat maupun fauna, flora termasuk manusia silahkaan membaca artikel berikut ini yaang dirilis oleh salah satu situs di Austin Texas Amerika yaitu http://www.austinchronicle.com  tanggal 23 September 2005.

    The Grasberg mine tailings have apparently destroyed the rivers below the mine. These photos, taken in and around the Grasberg mine in the mid-1990s, appear to show a lack of environmental concern on the part of Freeport. In an infomercial that the company paid for in the mid-1990s, a Freeport spokesman claimed that "what we're doing is exactly what Mother Nature is doing in Indonesia."

    What are the ongoing environmental conditions at the Grasberg mine? Are the mining tailings releasing heavy metals? If so, how bad is the problem?

    These questions cannot be answered with certainty, because there are no published reports of any independent monitoring of Freeport's mine and its environmental effects. But there is an historical record that sheds some light on the likely current conditions. In 1999, The Austin Chronicle won a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit against the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, thus forcing the agency to release a report it commissioned on Freeport's Grasberg mine back in 1994.

    The Chronicle forced OPIC to release the 1995 report – produced by a Salt Lake City-based company called EnviroSearch International – that convinced OPIC to cancel the $100 million political risk insurance policy it held on Freeport-McMoRan's Grasberg mine.

    EnviroSearch was the last known independent auditor ever to be allowed onto the Grasberg site.

    Given the renewed interest in gold mining and the environment in Indonesia, and in Freeport's Grasberg mine in particular, EnviroSearch's findings – even though more than a decade old – have become increasingly important. Their report, submitted to OPIC on Sept. 9, 1994, says that Freeport misled the agency about several aspects of its mining operation and that the company's scientific work was, in several cases, insufficient. Among the key findings:

    By the time of the EnviroSearch/OPIC visit to Grasberg in July of 1994, the mine had doubled its production – to more than 100,000 tons per day – even though Freeport's application with OPIC said the project would have capacity of just 52,000 tons per day. "At no time prior to our monitoring," reads the report, "did Freeport inform us that production levels had expanded significantly beyond the 52,000 ton-per-day level."

    Freeport did not even try to quantify the potential for acid rock drainage at the site. EnviroSearch said Freeport did not test "the raw ore, waste rock material or tailings" for indication of reactive sulfides (an indicator for acid-forming rock). EnviroSearch said the "most significant deficencies in the [Freeport] ARD reports was a lack of mineralogical analyses." By not analyzing the ore for sulfides, Freeport avoided a serious look of Grasberg's ARD potential. EnviroSearch said, "There were several references to sulfide minerals throughout the reports, but no data was supplied."

    Based on what they saw in 1994, EnviroSearch predicted that the tailings from the mine would eventually reach the Arafura Sea. Indeed, satellite photos appear to show that that is exactly what is happening today. EnviroSearch says, "Left unchecked, the tailings are anticipated to continue sheeting in an uncontrolled fashion, eventually reaching the Arafura Sea via an undetermined and apparently unpredictable course and at an undetermined discharge point."

    EnviroSearch says Grasberg already exhibits signs of acid rock drainage: "the site inspection revealed what appeared to be obvious signs of ARD already occurring on the southeast flank of the Grasberg mine."

    The tailings from Freeport's mine are resulting in a "mass loading of contaminants into the Irian [West Papua] environment" and these contaminants have "an as-yet undetermined ability, or inability, for the natural system to overcome such an impact."

    EnviroSearch said Freeport "has devastated the river system." In an appendix to the report, EnviroSearch wrote, "Freeport represented to us that the impact of the tailings on the river system would be 'difficult to separate from process that occur naturally.' Freeport's own data, obtained through our monitoring, site visit and other independent sources of information strongly contradicts this representation. In fact, the project has devastated the river system, through excessive discharge and deposition of tailings."

    sumber : http://www.austinchronicle.com/issues/dispatch/2005-09-23/pols_feature3.html

    View the entire EnviroSearch International report
  • Cara Membaca untuk Tingkatkan Pemahaman

    Saya sangat berterima kasih banyak karena Koran Harian Nasionaal mau membagi-bagi ilmu kepada  kami terutama kami Pelajar  Mahasiswaa Papua yang lagi butuh informasi. Tidak tertutup kemungkinan juga bagi teman-teman yang lain silaakaan download aja  yaaaiitu Teknik Membaca Untuk Tingkatkan Pemahaman tulisan pdf. Untuk itu jika aanda yang suka baca apa aja  tapi belum memahami cara dan Teknik memca yang untuk meningkatkaaan pemaaahaman mari dan silaahkan downloan berikut ini  teknik_membaca_untuk_tingkatkan_pemahaman.pdf
    Masih banyak informasi laagi yang akan dimuat tetapi saya butuh dukungan andaa jika aartikel andaa mau dimuat tapi saya tidak punya duit untuk membayar anda Ok
     abou jiak